Showing posts with label Craig Fitzgerald articles. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Craig Fitzgerald articles. Show all posts

Sunday, 3 March 2013

When NATA-NY Met NYC Antifa: the True Story



by Craig FitzGerald

Earlier this month it was brought to our attention that the collective that runs ABC No Rio declared they would  not hold the “Punks Against Police” show because one member of the headlining band is loosely affiliated with NATA-NY.* At the same time, the first of two hit pieces on NATA-NY was posted on the NYC antifa blog in an attempt to intimidate us and  members of the above mentioned band. Members of the band who were never affiliated with us then made public statements distancing their band from NATA. This pleased the organizer of the show, NYC Antifa’s Maoist “Joey Steel,” enough to keep the  band on the bill.  The venue changed to “The Swamp ”(allegedly a NYC antifa “place”) and mention of the band and the accompanying photos were retracted from antifa’s article.  “Joey” personally smeared us, calling NATA “racists, homophobes, xenophobes, anti-semites and right wingers,” and censored my attempts to defend the group and explain our positions on  the show’s event page.

In solidarity with the band and the message of the event*, we promised to be in attendance and were hoping to show that we are not a fascist group.  On the afternoon of February 16th, after taking some group pictures, five members of NATA-NY attempted to attend the “punks against police” matinee. We never had any intention of, nor did we attempt to “storm the show” as claimed in the antifa article. Upon entering the venue, we were met by a masked skinhead (most likely a member of RASH*) who, armed with a maglite, was working the door. Robert Erick paid the $10 and was patted down for weapons.  At this point, because we were not there to start trouble, I asked the masked doorman if he could hold the two pocket knives I had until the show was over.  During this interaction, an unmasked goon who was also running the door must have recognized me because as I was about to pay the admission  he said “hold on a minute” and went upstairs.  Five seconds later he came back saying  “he cant come in” while pointing at me. We asked why and said we wanted to speak with the organizer “Joey Steel” and the two members of the headlining band I know personally .

“Joey” eventually came out whining that “N.A.T.A. was not welcome here” and we “needed to leave.” After some debate and protest we demanded to speak to members of the above mentioned band.  We were told, “fine, but you all have to wait outside.” We  refused to comply until the member of the band who is loosely affiliated with NATA came downstairs and our money and my knives were returned. At one point “Joey” attempted to push the member of NATA mistakenly identified in the second article as Luke Bilgrey (who was not present at all). When none of Joey’s comrades joined in, he promptly ceased physical confrontations. A few moments after we were reimbursed and my knives were returned, one of the guitar players of the band in question, who never had any affiliation with NATA,  came downstairs and told us that his band did not want us at the show. Although I doubted that this was the band’s consensus, we decided to respect the principle of voluntary association and exclusion, and left the building. Antifa locked the doors behind us. We milled around in front of the venue discussing and lamenting the authoritarian measures employed to keep a punk rock/hardcore show homogenized and politically correct.

After about five minutes approximately eight guys came out, some of them armed with maglites. One said, “we know what you trying to do.” When we asked what he was talking about, he replied “you guys can’t hang out around here.” After explaining to these “gentlemen”  that we would hang out wherever we wished and they would have to try to physically remove us from the area, one of the antifa goons told us we “can’t be anti-fascist because we are opposed to the group antifa,” as if they owned the concept of anti-fascism. Eventually the members of the band in question all came outside. The band member affiliated with us was obviously distressed by all the intimidation and drama, and seemed to be sad that “politics” was dividing up the punk/hardcore scene and pushing his band into the middle of it. On the other hand, two members of the band (who were not personally known to me or ever affiliated with NATA) vehemently and belligerently opposed anything we said in our defense. After Rob bought a beer at the local bodega and brought it back to drink in a paper bag (to illustrate our intention of staying put), the antifa goons realized we would not be intimidated from hanging out in front of the venue and they went back inside, locking the door again.

As the evening progressed more folks began to show up, many of whom asked us if this was “the Swamp, where the show is?” We happily confirmed that it was, but asked them to make sure to tell the guys working the door that the “neo-nazi group outside” directed them to the show. This was met with an incredulous “wait a minute-- you guys are a nazi group?”  NATA responded with laughter explaining the situation and why we were being blackballed. Some of these attendees actually agreed with NATA that antifa were “authoritarians on a divisive witch hunt” and that as anarchists they could not use coercion against those who voluntarily lived in separatist enclaves if those communities lived by the non aggression principle. After posting up an anti-antifa sticker on wall outside the venue, we left the area at our own pace and of our own volition.

NATA-NY is not surprised by the coercive tactics we encountered at the “Punks Against Police” matinee, or by the excess of smears and inaccuracies in the two articles by antifa. On the contrary, we find it very illustrative of antifa’s deceptive and authoritarian nature. The questionable sources for information on Troy Southgate and National Anarchism in general reveal the establishment’s role in steering antifa‘s agenda. It seems the intelligence on Troy was taken verbatim from the “Searchlight” magazine (published by a UK-based group that is much like the Southern Poverty Law Center [SPLC]).  Antifa’s suggestions for further reading on “national anarchism and related currents”  include an SPLC article smearing both National Anarchism in general and the defunct Bay Area National Anarchists (BANA) in particular. Disingenuously, antifa doesn’t mention the fact that NATA-NY and Troy Southgate have denounced BANA and its mouthpiece Andrew Yeoman for the very Islamaphobic and reactionary activities mentioned in their article. The first article shows cropped screen shots of a discussion about “holocaust” revisionism as proof of our “anti-Semitism.” However, if one actually read the entire thread, it would be clear that it was a debate among members of NATA-NY (some of whom are Jewish) about the legitimacy of questioning certain facts about the “holocaust.” In the same article, it is claimed that I am an apologist for the Greek Golden Dawn party.  This is based on my comment that although the GD are a Greek Nationalist party, to say they are the Greek Nazi/fascist party is hyperbole at best and sophistry at worst. The claim that we support bringing back a “voluntary” Jim Crow style racial separatism is ridiculous. NATA is obviously not a racial separatist group.  While we recognize individuals’ and communities’ right to exclude based on any factor including race, to claim that we support Jim Crow, a form of oppressive, state-enforced racial segregation, is preposterous.

Antifa’s mission to demonize anyone who disagrees with their own form of politically correct fascism is a complete joke.  NATA-NY will not be intimidated by threats or attempts at physical coercion.  We are laughing at the glaring inaccuracy of NYC antifa’s pathetic smear campaign, and saddened by the pathetic dedication it takes to cause such unnecessary conflict.

 *Ironically, back in 1994, I marched with the ABC collective to the NYC HPD in protest of the illegal eviction ABC was facing at the time.

*The name of the show “punks against police” was a superficial gimmick meant to attract an audience who were opposed to the police. In reality the show did nothing to thwart the police state or its brutality other than maybe raise  some awareness.

*I assume he is RASH or some other communist skinhead based on my over 15 years experience with the NYC skinhead scene.

Discussed on the N-AM facebook group here.

Related articles: NATA-NY: Confronting Anti-FA NYC's Smear

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Thursday, 24 January 2013

**NEW TITLE!** NATIONAL-ANARCHISM: METHODOLOGY AND APPLICATION

THIS fourth title in our continuing discussion of anarcho-tribalism is designed to complement the previous volumes in the series. However, unlike 'National-Anarchism: A Reader,' 'National-Anarchism: Ideas and Concepts' and 'National-Anarchism: Theory and Practice,' this book explores how these ideas can be approached and then implemented in an effective and workable manner. National-Anarchists reject the nation-state and advocate the foundation of decentralised communities that offer people independence, self-determination and a more promising future for themselves and their families. Many people regard Anarchism as a violent ideology led by wide-eyed terrorists, but whilst there is always a need for organised defence against the shock-troops of the Establishment, this book will demonstrate that there is another side to the Anarchist tradition and one that strives for peace, social stability and the realisation of its objectives. The subjects discussed include 'Errors of Leftist-Anarchism'; 'Propaganda by the Deed, Fourth Generation Warfare and the Decline of the State'; 'The Ancient Future: Anarcho-Feudalism!'; 'So You Don't Feel You Could Be An Activist...?'; 'American National-Anarchism'; 'Heathenism and the Tradition of Dissent'; 'A Sojourn Through West Indian Culture: The Crisis of Black Identity'; and 'National-Anarchist Communities: Will I Be Accepted?' The contributors are Troy Southgate (Editor), Keith Preston, Wayne John Sturgeon, John Howells, Craig FitzGerald, Jamie O'Hara, Joshua Bates, Neil G. Hiatt, Justin Gillespie, Colin Lockwood and David Parry.

For more information on how to order, and information on other National-Anarchist volumes please click here.


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Monday, 5 November 2012

Anarcho-Feudalism as Practical Model of National-Anarchism

This article is included in the recently released National-Anarchism: Theory and Practice, edited by Troy Southgate and available from Black Front Press. 


By Craig FitzGerald and Jamie O’Hara
National-Anarchist Tribal Alliance - NY

The unification of National-Anarchist theory and practice will take as many shapes as there are tribes. The very nature of this philosophical school requires a wide range of cultural values, methods of organization, economic systems, industrial aspirations, social institutions, and more. National-Anarchism is reminiscent of the natural environment, and its diverse communities are like the myriad life forms on our planet. This being the case, to speak of National-Anarchism in purely practical terms is to be either extremely general or extremely personal. However, it is useful for both National-Anarchist discourse and application to explore various ideas for putting principle into action. Anarcho-feudalism represents one possibility of National-Anarchist organization.

The historical concept of feudalism is not without controversy. Many modern scholars question both the usefulness and the accuracy of the term.# This is partially because feudal systems in different areas had divergent social and political structures, and therefore do not fit perfectly in the same category. But despite the many ways in which feudalism varied from one locality to another, certain characteristics of the term are consistent enough to merit its use, especially with some qualification.

The attachment of the anarchist prefix is the ultimate qualifier of the word “feudalism;” it immediately implies that any coercive or oppressive aspects of traditional feudal society are rejected. The components that remain include the centrality of the land and agrarian pursuits, mutual militia-style protection, and the institution of allegiances that elevate social relationships to familial status.
In spite of feudalism’s reputation as an exploitative and strictly stratified society, it possesses several traits that make it compatible with anarchist theory. First, it is important to distinguish feudalism from seigneurialism, with which it is commonly confused. A feudal arrangement is a voluntary contractual agreement between parties. Unlike seigneurialism, a system whose authoritarian hierarchies subjugate a peasant class, feudalism is a mutual understanding among sovereign peers.# It is a free exchange of resources and services: land, labor, food, and the promise of physical protection. In addition to these practical necessities, feudalism cultivated the social values of honor, loyalty, mutual respect, and cooperation. These virtues help create principled and resilient communities. Human relationships constitute the basis of tribal organization; the deeper the bonds among people, the stronger the community. 

Examining the etymology of the English feudal lexicon helps to illuminate this significance of fraternal bonding to anarcho-feudalism. Some etymologists posit that the world “feudal” has Germanic origins and means “property” or “cattle.” However, Noah Webster claims that “feudal” and its associated term “fealty” come from the Latin word “fidelis,” i.e. “fidelity” or “loyalty.” The Germanic attribution likely holds some weight, but the ritualistic elements of European feudal society lend credence to Webster’s etymology, at least in a more esoteric sense. Ceremonies of allegiance between vassals and lords were integral to feudal arrangements and the social fabric they helped weave. Individuals who chose to participate in feudal situations had to demonstrate fealty, faith, and trust in one another. These tight and formalized bonds between parties allowed feudalism to sustain itself without centralized governance or regulation.

Such a characteristic can undoubtedly appeal to proponents of anarchism. Feudalism arose in response to the destruction of empire, a cyclical occurrence that anarchists either anticipate will happen organically or directly attempt to cause. Much of feudalism’s historical growth depended on the ineffectiveness of imperial enforcement over wide expanses of territory. This weakness of the state is still relevant, but unfortunately the global power grid today is more efficient and pervasive because of centralization and advances in technology. Nonetheless, when absolute power inevitably fails, a decentralized structure emerges. Feudalism’s adaptability and pragmatism can provide insight into the possible ways of adjusting to major collapses of power. For twenty-first century anarchist movements, this kind of historical-geopolitical context is all too familiar and pertinent.

Another possible anarchist expression of feudalist elements is the multifaceted nature of feudal culture. The various organizations of the period reflect the diversity of National-Anarchist tribal formation. Sacred orders of knights, magicians, and alchemists, or guilds of blacksmiths and stone masons, provide examples of free voluntary association and mutual aid. They also reveal the seriousness with which the individuals involved took their fraternal bonds. Such depth of interpersonal respect and allegiance is necessary for the successful decentralization of society into self-sustaining anarchist tribes.

It is important to realize that the global oligarchy has implemented this same type of ritualized fraternal bonding for thousands of years. Given the small fraction of the population that the elite represent, it should be surprising that they are so successful in their various endeavors. But solemn oaths of fidelity — or even informal cliquishness — have the ability to unite people and establish such a deep sense of trust and cooperation that mutual enterprises excel. From exoteric political think-tanks to esoteric initiation societies to recreational country clubs, the use of these associations as vehicles for societal influence has been highly effective. Unfortunately, those who generally employ such connections rely on coercion and exploitation (of the masses, or anyone outside of their networks) to achieve their aims.
However, if anarchists, who respect the rights and autonomy of others, take advantage of a similar mode of organizing, they too can more easily bring their ideas into fruition. Based on the particular values of each community, such interpersonal connections could be based on spirituality, cultural traditions, trades, political or economic agendas, environmental objectives, art forms, or any other common identity or goal. It is important to note that this is not a reactionary suggestion, nor is it an imitation of the techniques of our opponents. Actually, such methods of fraternal bonding are ancient and rooted in the traditions of indigenous cultures everywhere. The elite has upheld them, albeit in a twisted way. Anarchists are sorely lacking in this realm.

The need for anarchists to strengthen their organizations in this manner is precipitated by the current global trend towards a negative, hyper-hierarchical system of tyrannical neo-feudalism. States, corporations, invasive non-governmental organizations, educational institutions, and other bodies of power perpetuate and benefit from such authoritarianism and stratification. Rather than reflecting the positive aspects of feudalism previously discussed in this essay, the existing international order more accurately mirrors seigneurialism and serfdom in its exploitative attempt at total control.

A current example of this globalist neo-feudalism is evident in the implementation of the United Nations’ Agenda 21. This international agreement establishes global mandates about where people can live, and limits landowners’ rights to farm, build, hunt, burn firewood, etc. The various national governments who have submitted to this program allow legislation in their respective countries that support the overall global vision of micromanaged nature under the guise of environmental conservation. In contrast, anarcho-feudalism has the potential to counter Agenda 21’s hegemony because of its agrarian and land-based foundation. If the entire basis of Agenda 21 is concern about ecology, then permacultural agro-forestry and sustainable energy projects can hardly be considered activities to ban.

All anarchists agree that opposition to and independence from the global power structure is essential. National-Anarchists tend to focus equally on the culture and values of each autonomous community. Not only is it important to subvert the state, but it is also crucial to institute morals and principles in one’s tribe. Anarcho-feudalism fits perfectly under the umbrella of National-Anarchist theory because it outlines achievable means of applying particular ethics and standards.

The purpose of theory is to attempt to provide a blueprint of ideal practice. Anarcho-feudalism may seem like the intellectual exercise of a bored philosophical historian, but it is practical (despite the rhetorical characteristics of any hyphenated anarchism). It represents an intensification of grassroots organizing because it solidifies anarchist relationships to a degree that has rarely been seen. This is not to say that it unites all anarchists, but rather that it can fortify an individual anarchist community with a stronger immune system — an absolutely crucial quality for self-defense against the corporatist state.

By adopting traditional feudal relationships and adapting them to an anarchist context, theory becomes functional. The most practical aspect of anarcho-feudalism is the land itself and the related enterprise of food production. Cooperative property holding and farming are tangible ways to catalyze self-sufficiency and autonomy. This can be accomplished according to the legal guidelines of the state, or it can be set up as a private contract upheld solely by the oaths of all parties. Either way, the process of attaining food independence is vital.

Rather than mimicking the monocultural methods of industrial agriculture, a microcosm of biodiversity that reflects the natural environment is most beneficial. This can be attained, while at the same time food production is maximized, by utilizing organic, biodynamic, agro-forestry, and permacultural methods including raised beds, terrace gardens, blanket sowing, and companion cropping.# Crop cultivation does not have to be limited to the traditional growing season, even for those who live in northern climates. The use of greenhouses and other season-extension methods are conducive to year round self-sufficiency. Certain plants, like quinoa and amaranth, are particularly desirable because their seeds contain high levels of protein and their greens are rich in calcium. Various sweeteners — maple syrup, beet sugar, and honey — can replace dependence on sugar cane imported from imperialist plantations. Another method of feeding the community is foraging for wild foods, which are abundant in the northeast and include dandelion and other greens, a variety of berries, different species of mushrooms, clover, amaranth, tubers, and more.

Orchards and groves are also worthy pursuits, especially here in the northeastern United States where certain nut trees have died off or mysteriously stopped producing. Apple trees are also greatly appreciated for their versatility; not only do they provide fruit, juice, and cider, but also the potential to make vinegar, which is just as useful for cleaning as for its countless health benefits. In addition, vinegar is required for canning a large number of foods, and preservation of provisions in general is fundamental to food security.

Another fundamental aspect of complete independence is water. Each sovereign community’s water-related projects will differ based on the natural aquatics of the local region. If a tribe is fortunate enough to have springs on their property, collection cisterns can be fabricated so the people can have a constant supply of fresh drinking water. If springhouses are also built, the community has a natural, non-electrical source of refrigeration. On land that does not contain any springs, people can seek out underground sources of water, and dig or drill wells for their drinking supply. Rainwater collection is useful for gardens and animals, and can also be potable if it is purified.

Ponds are also valuable features of the land, particularly for the farming of fish. Sustainable aquaculture entails the stocking of ponds with a variety of fish, and the creation of habitats (using rocks, plants, dead tree limbs and stumps) for smaller fish so that they can effectively evade their predators. This way, because the big fish do not eat all the small fish, the balance of species and the survival of the aquatic ecosystem is maintained. Fish ponds benefit communities in multiple ways: with food, with fertilizer for gardens in the form of fish emulsion, and with a source of drinking water for livestock and wild animals.

The concept of food as medicine is a primary component of the most pragmatic autonomous community healthcare system. A healthy diet of fresh farm-produced foods is the best way to avoid illness. When health issues do arise, the reliance on herbs and essential oils for their curative properties can preclude the patronage of the medical-industrial complex.

Another beneficial crop for health and wellness is hemp, which is possibly one of the most versatile plants one can cultivate. Its oil has many uses, and its seed can be used for a variety of food products. It is also incredible in its industrial applications; communities could use it to make rope, canvas and other textiles, and building materials. It has the potential to replace all of the products which currently contain petroleum: soaps, beauty products, plastics, and fuel. Due to its illicit status in most places, however, tribes should exercise caution when embarking on such enterprises. However, if the state eventually fails and people are completely left to their own devices, the cultivation of hemp is an obvious step in the pursuit of self-sufficiency.

Hemp’s potential to contribute to energy independence makes it highly attractive, but other resources exist as well. A tribal settlement with access to trees that can be felled possesses significant building materials, as well as a source of heat and energy. Communities with saw mills could construct housing fairly easily. The additional benefits of wood include the constant production of fertilizer in the form of ash, which provides crops with necessary minerals. Although forests are finite, actions can be taken — like tree planting and coppicing — to increase their sustainability.

When houses and community buildings are being planned, earth berming, or the partial covering of the structure with soil and plants or grass, should be considered. The earth insulates the building naturally, and keeps it cooler in the summer. Passive solar, or large sun-facing windows coupled with natural stone floors, creates the same effect. These are great ways to generate some heat for the building without the upkeep necessary for energy systems dependent on fuel or natural forces.

For those who want to take it to the next level, there are more proactive methods of generating energy. Each approach has benefits and drawbacks. Solar panels are growing in popularity, but the required equipment is highly technical and expensive, and relies on rare minerals monopolized by China. Windmills and water wheels are helpful because they can run mills (for cider or grain, for example) pump water and even generate electricity. Hydro-turbines are probably the most efficient producers of electricity, but like the other techniques mentioned, they rely on the natural landscape. Communities have to plan their energy independence based on what is locally abundant: sunlight, wind, and/or bodies of water. Depending solely on one form will likely lead to periods of little to no electricity production.

Other ways to power homes and vehicles include biodiesel, ethanol, and methanol. Biodiesel consists of fueling diesel engines with vegetable/plant based oil. The best feature of this method is that it can be made from used vegetable oil from deep fryers, reducing waste and utilizing resources efficiently. Unfortunately, it is difficult to run in extreme cold weather, so climate should be a significant consideration. Distilling ethanol is fairly easy, but it doesn’t store well. Even if kept in airtight containers, it absorbs moisture from the atmosphere over prolonged periods, so whatever is distilled has to be used immediately. Methanol, which is made from the methane gas in human and/or animal waste, serves as an effective off-the-grid replacement of propane and natural gas. It maximizes efficiency by converting unwanted waste matter into a valuable source of energy. However, it is dangerous to inhale, and has special storage requirements.

Electricity and engine fuels are certainly not the only type of technology autonomous communities should pursue. Industries that used to be local keystones should be revitalized in a decentralized world. Forges and the craft of blacksmithing in particular can be imperative to self-reliance. Tanning and leatherworking, for those tribes who choose to hunt, have a number of applications. And although clothing is overabundant in most countries, spinning wheels and looms are forgotten homespun industries that play an important role in independence. Similarly, soaps, candles, and pottery making can return to their historical status as staple household activities.

The decisions to implement some or all of these projects depend on the outlooks of individual tribes, but execution of any of these projects will strengthen the greater agora. Some communities may focus much of their attention on energy because they want the comforts of abundant electricity. “Luddite” districts, on the other hand, may not aspire to produce electricity at all, like the Amish. Primitivist communities could decide that agriarian pursuits are inconsistent with their ideology, and rely on foraging or hunting for their fare. The specifics and the logistics of self-sufficient independence are not important.

Anarcho-feudalism, like National-Anarchism as a whole, is not a recipe, but more like a potluck dinner. Its character is defined by the participants themselves and what they choose to contribute. It represents a spectrum of paradigms and corresponding actions. Although an anarchist perspective can elucidate the flaws of feudalism (primarily its interconnectedness with more oppressive contemporary hierarchies), if the historical model is fused with the priorities of freedom, autonomy, and voluntary participation, it can serve as a valuable prototype of local agrarian anarchism.

References:

1. Brown, Elizabeth A.R. “The Tyranny of a Construct: Feudalism and Historians of Medieval Europe.” The American Historical ReviewVol. 79, No. 4 (Oct., 1974).

Reynolds, Susan. Fiefs and Vassals: The Medieval Evidence Reinterpreted. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.

2. Cazel, Fred A. Jr. “Feudalism.” UCSB Department of Black Studies. http://www.blackstudies.ucsb.edu/antillians/feudalism.html

3. Steiner, Rudolf. Agriculture Course: The Birth of the Biodynamic Method. Forest Row: Rudolf Steiner Press, 2004.

Holzer, Sepp. Sepp Holzer’s Permaculture: A Practical Guide to Small-Scale, Integrative Farming and Gardening. Hampshire: Permanent Publications, 2011.

Suggested Reading:

Angier, Bradford. Field Guide to Edible Wild Plants. Harrisburg, Penn.: Stackpole Books, 1974.

Bridgewater, A. & G. The Self-Sufficiency Specialist. London: New Holland Publishers, 2007.

Brown, Tom and Morgan, Brandt. Tom Brown’s Field Guide to Wilderness Survival. New York: Berkley Books, 1987.

Country Wisdom Almanac. New York: Black Dog & Leventhal Publishers, Inc., 2008.
Gehring, Abigail R., ed. Back to Basics, 3rd ed. New York: Skyhorse Publishing, 2008.

Kern, Ken. The Owner Built Home. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1975.

Kern, Ken and Barbara. The Owner Built Homestead. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1977.

Nearing, Helen and Scott. The Maple Sugar Book with Remarks on Pioneering as a Way of Living in the 
Twentieth Century. New York: Schocken Books, 1970.

Seymour, John and Sally. Farming for Self-Sufficiency: Independence on a 5-Acre Farm. New York: Schocken Books, 1973.

Stoner, Carol Hupping, ed. Producing Your Own Power: How to Make Nature’s Energy Sources Work for You. Emmaus, Penn.: Rodale Press, Inc., 1974.

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Sunday, 4 November 2012

**NEW TITLE!** NATIONAL-ANARCHISM: THEORY AND PRACTICE

**NEW TITLE!** NATIONAL-ANARCHISM: THEORY AND PRACTICE


THIS third volume in our series on politics and revolution continues in a similar vein to its predecessors, 'National-Anarchism: A Reader' and 'National-Anarchism: Ideas and Concepts', although here the emphasis is on thought and action. As one of the most exciting and dynamic ideas to have permeated and overcome the tumultuous uncertainly of life in the twenty-first century, National-Anarchism essentially transcends the failed ideologies of both Left and Right. Its vision is one of autonomous village-communities in which political, social and economic decentralisation allows people to express themselves in accordance with their own innate abilities, free from the conformist straight-jacket of plural society. Indeed, just when you thought it was safe to wander off into the realms of apathy and indifference, Black Front Press has arrived with another eleven chapters to educate, motivate, inspire and enthuse. Topics include National-Anarchism: Setting the Record Straight; Anti-Imperialists of the World, Unite! Towards an Anarchist Theory of Geopolitics; War on Revolution! The Counter-Economics of National-Anarchism; Rediscovering Responsibility; All Anarchists Must Die! Zen and the Anarch; Terror State; Anarchism of the Old Believers; Anarcho-Feudalism as Practical Model for National-Anarchism; It Can Be Done, But We Have to Wake Up; Anarchy is Not the Death of the West; and The Politics of Detachment: Beyond Ressentiment and the State. The contributors are Troy Southgate (Editor), Keith Preston, John Howells, Wayne John Sturgeon, Joshua Bates, Craig Fitzgerald, Jamie O'Hara, Justin Gillespie, Neil Hiatt, Colin Lockwood and Rachel Haywire.


Signed copies of NATIONAL-ANARCHISM: THEORY AND PRACTICE are now available to pre-order. The book is 164 pages in length and costs just £15 with free postage to anywhere in the world. The Paypal address is: blackfrontpress@yahoo.co.uk

For more information on how to order, and information on other National-Anarchist volumes please click here.

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Thursday, 30 August 2012

National-Anarchist Praxis


This essay is included in the recently released National-Anarchism:Ideas and Concepts, edited by Troy Southgate and available from Black Front Press.

Anarchism today is primarily theoretical in nature, and an unfortunate amount of anarchist interaction consists of debate over which hyphenation is best. National Anarchism may seem to participate in and perpetuate such an argument at first glance, but its lack of universalism actually makes it the most inclusive and diverse school of anarchist thought.  Despite the fact that some National Anarchist tribes may choose not to associate with certain communities, their underlying philosophy–that everyone has a right to autonomy and sovereignty–creates a sense of mutual respect absent from most anarchist disagreement.  This characteristic of National Anarchism has serious pragmatic implications.  When anarchists stop spending their time and energy dictating to others what “true” anarchism is, they have a lot more potential to actually put their beliefs into action.

The practical applications of National Anarchism consist of creating tangible manifestations of its theory.  Philosophically, every community has a right to freedom and self-determination, but how is that right being implemented?  The state is oppressive and exploitative, but how is that criticism being exercised in the real world?  Marx hypocritically posited that the state would wither away once communism was in full force, i.e. that employment of a state structure was necessary for state eradication.  In fact, the state and its corporate partners will only disappear once they become irrelevant, and their irrelevance depends upon the creation of substantial alternatives.

An independent system of parallel economies and institutions–agorism–is possibly the sole way to accomplish this.  Agorism represents a direct attack on the governmental and corporate monopolies by not only subjecting them to boycotts, but also empowering the masses to actively compete with them.  National Anarchist communities would likely establish institutions consistent with their values; these might include cultivation of localized currencies, barter networks, non-usurious people’s banks, trade guilds, social welfare and healthcare programs, community self defense associations, and a variety of educational programs.  This is the most likely method by which the state will disappear, contrary to Marx’s utopian idea that a centralized communist state would naturally evolve into anarchism.

Each tribe’s vision of sovereignty may differ, but certain necessities for independence can provide broad guidelines for concrete community projects.  Total economic autarky may not be every tribe’s objective, but maximizing self-sufficiency is crucial to decentralization.  One of the most effective ways to attain this is homesteading, whether as individuals, families, or communities.  Homesteaders use the resources of their land to become as independent as possible, growing crops, harvesting firewood and building materials, making home-spun goods and crafts, raising animals, creating value-added products for retail, blacksmithing, foraging and hunting wild foods, and more.  By actively creating its own vision of freedom and autonomy, every anarchist group can live out its philosophy.

The importance for anarchists to directly apply their theories in their lives is reflected by the ancient Greek concept of praxis.  The word praxis refers to any activity in which a free man participates, and Aristotle identified three forms of a free man’s energy: theory, creativity, and action. This relationship between thought, practice and production is symbiotic; they are not merely connected, but they are synthesized, simultaneous, and interdependent.  It is not sufficient for a highly intelligent and critical philosopher to merely think, speak and write.  Anarchism poses little threat without actions that correspond to its ideas of freedom and voluntary responsibility.

The idea of praxis is compatible with National Anarchism because it does not inherently contain any moral judgment about what an individual or tribe decides to do; rather, it provides a lens through which individuals or tribes can self-evaluate in terms of their own values and what they believe to be true about the universe.  Praxis is the manifestation of theory–any theory to which a community adheres.  Its applications in education (autodidactic or otherwise) imply hands-on learning based in experience that is relevant to the real world.  Praxis is a useful concept to consider when setting and achieving external goals, and it also reveals the degree to which an anarch has fulfilled his or her own personal potential as a human being.  Freedom of thought and freedom of action are complementary elements of anarchism.  One is nothing without the other.

Unfortunately, many lack an awareness of this harmonious relationship.  It seems that globalized culture’s obsession with instant gratification has rubbed off even on anarchists, many of whom immediately gravitate towards the most extreme methods of attacking the system.  But actually living in communities of anarchs with the intention of sustaining them for generations will be an incremental process.  The most realistic and potentially successful approach is to start small and remember the Zapatista motto “lento pero avanzo.”  The full attainment of independent systems of self-sufficiency and agora will take years, as will the full impact of its effects on the new world order.

Written by Craig FitzGerald and Jamie O’Hara of NATA-NY

Saturday, 5 May 2012

Free Markets vs. Capitalism

By Jamie O'Hara & Craig FitzGerald 

Anarchists with socialist leanings associate the terms “free market” and “capitalism” with oppression and exploitation.  To anarcho-capitalists, the absence of state intervention in the market is the ultimate form of liberty.  In both the underground and mainstream political worlds, free enterprise is virtually synonymous with capitalism.  But these expressions are not one and the same.  The etymology of the word “capitalism” reveals characteristics that are completely antithetical to the concept of a free market, as well as the philosophy of anarchism.
                    
In English, the word “capital” dates back to the thirteenth century, when it was used to mean “primary,” “chief,” or “head.”  These words all necessarily imply the existence of hierarchy; “capitalism” as an organized economic system is inherently hierarchical.  Rather than describe free markets, the word is synonymous with plutocracy, which comes from the Greek for “rule or power of the wealthy or of wealth.”  When “capital” received its financial definition in the sixteenth century, its now double meaning—“money” and “head”—began to solidify this comparison to plutocracy.  No evidence exists of the word “capitalism” until 1854 when it meant the “condition of having capital.”  In 1861, French anarchist Pierre Joseph Proudhon coined the word “capitalism” and described it as a plutocratic economic system.

By the fourteenth century, the word also connoted mortality and life or death (hence “a capital offense” and “capital punishment”).  It is interesting to consider the way that most people today perceive money as a matter of life and death.  For those who participate in the plutocracy, abundant finances mean everything, while the lack thereof can bring one’s demise.  Our culture has been bombarded with the false value that currency equals wealth, and wealth equals life.  In actuality, the most common manifestation of capital punishment is the imposed system of fiat money.

So, capitalism is a life or death system in which money is the hierarchy’s head.  This perception of the word stemmed from an examination of the word’s etymology in English, but even more telling are the original Latin meanings of capitale.   In addition to the definitions associated with being first or on top, capitale could also mean “something stolen.”  This suggests a hint of corruption and theft (which may have influenced Proudhon’s idea that “property is theft”).  It also reflects the contemporary economic situation everywhere: banks and governments steal from the people. 

Such an understanding of the word “capitalism” allows one to draw a stark contrast between this economic system and the potential for truly laissez-faire free markets.  The theory of Agorism, posited by Canadian libertarian Samuel Edward Konkin III in 1975, is an ideal representation of real free enterprise.  The term comes from the Greek word agora, meaning “open marketplace,” and refers to the voluntary building of parallel underground economies.

Unlike capitalism, agorism is compatible with all forms of anarchism, regardless of hyphenation.  In An Agorist Primer, Konkin’s first and third Axioms of Agorism are, respectively: “The closest approach to a free society is an uncorrupted agora” and “The moral system of any agora is compatible with pure libertarianism” (i.e. anarchism).   If an anarchist community maintains an alternative economy apart from the state, that community is implementing agorism, regardless of whether that economy is communist, free market, or anything in between.  In fact, anarchist groups who do not embrace an agorist model will inevitably fail at being independent from the state and its corporate partners.  Even though agorism originated in a libertarian/anarcho-capitalist context, it is equally applicable to socialist anarchist communities.  Whether an anarchist community’s goals include socialized welfare and healthcare systems or alternative currencies and autonomous methods of trade, agorism is the only means.  

Anarchists of all stripes must bridge the gap between theory and action.  Economics is pragmatic, realistic and material.  Without it, anarchist communities are solely philosophical.  Agorism represents a way for tribes to attain successful and sustainable independence from the state. 

The intention behind anarcho-capitalism is to create free markets, not to establish hierarchies of wealth.  Anarcho-capitalists should consider completely disassociating from the label of capitalism at all, and instead employ terms like “free market,” “free enterprise,” “voluntaryism” and “agorism.”  Anarcho-capitalists who argue that their libertarian brand of capitalism is completely different from the statist-corporatist-Keynesian version of capitalism fail to recognize the historical reality that capitalism has never produced a free market.  They also ignore the etymological significance of the word.  While anarchism has enough semantic arguments and divisions, language is important.  The history of words has significance for humanity, and we should be very conscious of the messages we proclaim.

(Source)

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